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700 to 1150, while the classic period lasted between 11. The Hohokam pre-classic period stretched from A.D. In the pre-classic period, the Hohokam distributed cremated remains as possessions among social networks, suggesting they had a relational sense of self and considered remains to be part person, part object. Most archaeological studies assessing personhood use mortuary remains to reconstruct social attitudes toward certain individuals as a proxy for community ideas of personhood.įor example, archaeologist Jessica Cerezo-Román examined funerary contexts among the ancient Hohokam in what is now Arizona and found shifts in concepts of personhood over time.
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But investigating personhood in past cultures, especially those with no written records, is more challenging. Similarly, some cultures in Papua New Guinea see personhood as fluid, divisible, and exchangeable each “person” is in a “constant state of becoming and being and can be thought of as fractal in nature,” writes archaeologist Nyree Finlay.Īll the above examples come from anthropological studies of living cultures. An individual is created through the continual exchange of bodily fluids, and their personhood changes as fluids from other individuals are integrated into their bodies. For the Wari’ in Brazil, personhood emphasizes the physical body and interconnectedness. In some cultures, a person may be a mosaic of divisible parts, and their personhood is believed to morph throughout their life. For the Tallensi in Ghana, people can’t achieve personhood until after they die and become an ancestor. According to one archaeological and ethnographic review, numerous societies consider infants and even children to be “ not yet persons.” Often, children have to pass through social and cultural milestones before being accepted into their community and granted personhood. But many Indigenous and traditional cultures view personhood very differently. In Western, industrialized societies today, a person is typically thought of as an indivisible individual, with their personhood largely fixed from birth, if not before. Conversely, personhood can be denied to human beings-in the case of slavery or of some people with disabilities. For example, Mande cultures in West Africa consider animals such as lions and leopards persons within specific clans. In various cultures, personhood can be granted to nonhuman animals, objects, places, and even corporations. There is no universal concept of personhood in fact, personhood isn’t even exclusive to people. They have found that attitudes about personhood and abortion have shifted greatly over time, vary dramatically by culture, and are heavily influenced by prejudices and power struggles. How have beliefs about personhood and abortion changed throughout history? To investigate these questions, archaeologists and anthropologists have conducted ethnographic interviews, pored over written records, and searched for evidence in funerary sites. But actually, humans have been wrestling with this complex idea for thousands of years. Personhood-the status or quality of being a person-sounds straightforward. But Supreme Court Justice Samuel Alito wrote in his recent ruling that drawing the line of personhood at viability is “arbitrary” and “makes no sense.” That landmark case determined a fetus became a person only when it was viable outside the womb. Meanwhile, a pregnant woman in Texas argued she can legally drive in the carpool lane because according to state law, her fetus is a person.Īrguments about fetal personhood have been key to the abortion debate since Roe v. Georgia recently passed a law granting personhood to fetuses as soon as there is a detectable heartbeat, while a judge in Arizona blocked a similar law. Wade in June, states have been increasingly grappling with what it means to be a person.